By Clément Paule
Translation: Melissa Okabe
Passage au crible n°35
On March 20, 2011, the Global Day of Solidarity with the Uprisings of the Arab and African people was celebrated in many countries, as much so in France as in Mexico or Morocco. Organized by networks belonging to associations such as ATTAC (Association for the Taxation of financial Transactions and Aid to Citizens) or the CADTM (Committee for the Abolition of Third World Debt), this movement was initially decided within the setting of the WSF (World Social Forum) in Dakar. From February 6-11, 2011, the eleventh edition of this international gathering of alter-globalists had in fact reunited some tens of thousands participants in the Senegalese capital. After the opening march and the series of workshops, on February 10, 2011, the Social Movements Assembly produced a declaration anticipating the convergence of two initiatives*. Additionally on March 20th, the Global Day of Action Against Capitalism was decided to be held on October 12, 2011.
> Historical background
> Theoretical framework
> Analysis
> References
Let us recall that the first WSF was held in Porto Alegre on January 25-30 2001, during the continuation of the mobilization against the WTO (World Trade Organization) Summit in Seattle. In this particular case, the event was symbolically created in reaction to the World Economic Forum in Davos. With the elaboration of a Charter of Principles, the Porto Alegre movement also equipped itself with an International Board and Steering Committee to ensure the permanence of the process. The WSF often took place in Brazil – four times in Porto Alegre in 2001, 2002, 2003 and 2005, and in Belém in 2009 –, while also being exported in India – to Mumbai in 2004 –, in Africa – in Nairobi in 2007 and in Dakar in 2011 – as well as in Karachi, Caracas and Bamako within the framework of the 2006 poly-centric meeting. Numerous regional events have been created for a decade, as seen in the African, Asian, European, Maghreb, etc. social forums. It is also emphasized that 55 summits of this type have been held in 28 different countries in 2010.
Besides that, it is noted that this expansion attests to the diversification – at least geographically – of the public and of tackled issues, as seen with the increasing number of regular participants. Among these, one indicates the emergence of charismatic leaders and the eagerly anticipated announcement of their take on such issues. Here, we refer to names such as Samir Amin, Demba Moussa Dembelé, Bloke Massiah, Amina Dramane Traoré or even Immanuel Wallerstein. In 2005, nineteen personalities of this stature signed the Manifesto of Porto Alegre containing twelve propositions, including the cancellation of Southern debt, the Tobin tax, the dismantling of tax havens, etc. However, this statement remains devoid of official value, even if it can be considered as a minimal base of alter-globalization. Generally speaking, the founders of the WSF and a part of their promoters tried to create an open anti-authority platform, a place of non-decisive exchange. However, this conception suffered recurring criticism, stigmatizing the inefficiency of a disorganized gathering that puts politics aside.
1. Heterogeneity of the militant space. Proposed by Lilian Mathieu, the concept of space – understood as the practical universe and in a relatively autonomous sense at the center of the social world – allows for the reproduction of this group of participants whose resources and positions remain very diverse. Moreover, it emphasizes the permeable borders of alter-globalization. In this configuration, there are permanent internal struggles over the definition of this label, and an increasing possibility of attack by external stakeholders.
2. Political Investment Strategies. As such, this flexibility can favor the re-appropriation of an event by professional actors within the political arena. Situated across various levels, these interferences spark controversies and feed the evolution of the WSF in and of itself.
First off, most of the commentators emphasized the agenda-setting function of the Forum – for themes that received little media coverage. Case in point, let us indicate the stakes which constitute land grabbing – or migrant rights. However, the emergence of this problem owes itself very much to the 2010 regional gatherings, such as the Cochabamba Summit dedicated to climate change. However to inquire over the selection of these multiple causes dismisses the extreme variety of present activists, often shadowed by the vague term civil society. Revisiting the recommendations of Sidney Tarrow, it is advised to distinguish these actors according to their resources and their modes of action rather than classify them according to their ideology. Hence, strong disparities appear within the alter-globalist space, translated first off by the difficulty of small associations to finance their participation in an autonomous manner. In the same logic, the implementation of activities – in a generally disorganized climate – tends to favor the habitual WSF organizations, having competences and superior means to manage logistical faults. In spite of efforts made by the International Methods Committee – special pricing, considering Dakar, caravans (campaigns), etc. –, this relative marginalization of the layman invalidates the idea that a fair structure of political opportunities exists. Let us equally mention the strong geographic disparities despite the presence of delegations from about 130 countries. If the forum remains above all a place of meeting and networking, the large committees – CRID (The Research and Information Centre for Development), ActionAid, Via Campesina, etc. – occupy a central position. As evidence, the creation of ATTAC – Senegal during the event enabled 800 memberships.
However, this heterogeneity seemingly favored by a Forum is conceived as an open space, forbidding any official decision-making. Under this relationship, the sixth principle of the Charter asserts that no one is authorized to express, in the name of the WSF, the document more generally proclaiming independence from politics. According to Chico Whitaker, an international meeting must consider the good of mankind which cannot be privatized nor prioritized. In this respect, material management can seem ambiguous, in particular due to the financial uncertainty of the organizers. Therefore, let us cite the substantial contribution from Morocco, at the moment when this government had unofficially mandated a delegation of agents to oppose the Sahrawian presence at the Forum. Soon after, the Senegalese authorities hosting the Summit, adopted an ambiguous attitude, qualifying as passive resistance, even seen as sabotage by Immanuel Wallerstein. It is noted that criticism was especially aimed at President Wade who distanced himself from anti-globalization during a conference organized on February 7th. Around the contours of the 2012 presidential elections, the climate of social tension which ruled over Senegal along with the increasing protests – aggravated by the question of unballastings and of unemployment – would have led Wade to hinder the holding of the international and anti-authority gathering. If his invitation to the Forum had aroused lively debates, the keynote speech pronounced by Evo Morales was also targeted. The Bolivian President, as well as the Brazilian ex-leader Lula, in fact insisted on the necessity of changing things by attaining power, contrary to the dominant strategy of the forum which aims to push politics aside. At that very moment, activists – following the example of Gus Massiah – were able to denounce the reclamation of propositions, such as the Tobin tax or the control of tax havens, by the G20. As summarized by Samir Amin, “the WSF remains… lagging behind, always “late” in relation to the progress recorded on the ground by the fights”. Here, this economist evokes a relative disconnection between the Tunisian and Egyptian movements and the Forum, even if it is advisable to take into account the importance of the delegations coming from the Maghreb and from the Mashriq, and requires emphasis on the implementation of eleven social forums in these regions in 2010.
Mathieu Lilian, « L’espace des mouvements sociaux », Politix (77), 2007, pp. 131-151.
Revue française de science politique, « Les ONG face aux mouvements altermondialistes », 54 (3), juin 2004.
Tarrow Sidney G., The New Transnational Activism, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2005.
Wallerstein Immanuel, “The World Social Forum, Egypt and Transformation”, 20 février 2011, à l’adresse web : http://www.iwallerstein.com/the-world-social-forum-egypt-and-transformation/ [10 mars 2011].
Pour une synthèse retraçant les grandes lignes de cet événement, cf. « Forum Social Mondial de Dakar, 6-11 février 2011 », Fil d’Ariane – Contributions
For a retracted summary of the main themes of this event, refer to: « Forum Social Mondial de Dakar, 6-11 février 2011 », Fil d’Ariane – Contributions
*For a retracted summary of the main themes of this event, refer to: « Forum Social Mondial de Dakar, 6-11 février 2011 », Fil d’Ariane – Contributions, located to : http://www.chaos-international.org/images/stories/fil_dariane_dakar.pdf [11 mars 2011]
