L’Attraction mondiale Frédéric Ramel, Paris, Presses de Sc. Po

By combining the analysis of international relations with political philosophy, the author believes a political unification movement has been permeating the world stage. Yet, reasons of this historic turning point still have to be identified. Do closer ties between States explain it? What kind of institutional form does it take: justice, peace? In order to answer to these questions, F. Ramel has been working on the main currents of thought in order to stress their singularities. It allows the reader to take hold of current controversies, wisely.

Yet, whether the latter deals with the conflict between cosmopolitism and communitarianism, whether the perspective of a coming destruction of the environment is acknowledged or whether we give humanity a new status, the multi-secular tension between the universal and the particular always win.

Frédéric Ramel, L’Attraction mondiale, Paris, Presses de Sc. Po, 2013, 287 p., including 24 p. of references and index.

PAC 91 – A Weak Cultural Exception in the Face of the Global Commodification Transatlantic Negotiations on a Future Free Trade Agreement

By Alexandre Bohas

Translation: Frédéric Ocrisse-Aka

Passage au crible n°91

Pixabay

Transatlantic discussions to reach a free trade agreement were disrupted in spring 2013 by a new blocking in the cultural sector. Recently, a new showdown took place during the first talks on the proposed free trade agreement between Europe and America. Finally, at the insistence of countries like France, a limitation to the laissez-faire, laissez-passer, was adopted once again.

Historical background
Theoretical framework
Analysis
References

Historical background

In France, the demand for specific trade provisions originates from the opposition to the signing of the Blum-Byrnes agreements in 1946. These agreements between Paris and Washington were putting an end to the French support policies to the film industry in exchange of the American post-war reconstruction assistance. In the nineties, this disruptive transatlantic issue had several twists and turns during the Uruguay Round and the MAI (Multilateral Agreement on Investment). These tensions indicate two diverging approaches of the film industry: one perceiving it only as entertainment, and another for which it is a full dimension of the artistic field.

These oppositions led to the creation of a transnational coalition for cultural diversity, a coalition that gather both country like France or Canada or non-state actors such as representatives of the audiovisual sector. Its actions focused primarily on the recognition of a derogatory framework to that of the World Trade Organization, which allows state quota systems and funding in the audiovisual sector. Then it endeavored to set this principle in international law, with the signing of the Universal Declaration on Cultural Diversity in 2002 and the Convention on Protection and Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural Expressions in 2005.

Theoretical framework

A challenged globalization of culture. If globalization is now understood as an economic, social and political process, its impact on the habitus and behaviors are underestimated or ignored by a latent materialism. It is often underestimated because of differentiated receptions (Liebes, Katz), the primacy given to the national community (Smith) and the neglected power of economic and cultural narratives. Moreover, the strengthening of cultural interconnections, bred by structural changes in the global sphere, result in discontinuous manner in practices , common ideologies and, for some, the emergence of a fragile sense of belonging the same world (Robertson, Beck).

Sovereignty in the knowledge organization. Medieval jurists established it as the power in last resort, “the absolute power of a Republic” (Bodin); the sovereignty is a cornerstone of the theory of realism (Morgenthau) because it identifies the country as the basic unit of the international scene. It denies ties of transnational power that cross borders and unite societies unevenly (Emmanuel and Wallerstein), and it also legitimate state policies aiming at preserving a cultural autonomy which is today undermined by the globalization (Laroche, Bohas).

Analysis

The move for a cultural exception is based on a three parts claim: cultural, political and economic. Firstly, it aims to keep safe the identity of each people facing upheavals related to the shrinkage of the world. It seems imperative to preserve the values and norms of individuals. Meanwhile, many countries consider that the preservation of identity go with the keeping of place to create fine arts, literature, as well as films. However, in case of trade liberalization, the business would be even, more threatened by Hollywood capital supremacy. Then, on the political ground, as expressed in negotiations of the Uruguay Round (Gdansk, November 1993), the French president at that time, François Mitterrand : “What is at stake is the cultural identity of our nation, it is the right of every people to have its culture”.

Finally, the audiovisual sectors and its derivatives constitute vectors of material and ideological eco-systems economies. In other words, they have a civilization-like grasp over people by shaping lifestyles. Yet, is this sole exception enough to preserve the cohesion among illusory communities? Indeed, if it allows national industries to survive, it does not promote the progress of diversity. It is clear that an increasing number of national works have no public, while professionals struggle to finance them. On the contrary, the only contents being broadcast across Europe are from Hollywood majors whose imaginaries are still highly valued. Therefore, they are the only common denominator of the Old Continent. Should we not rather encourage more intra-European films exchange in theaters as on small screens?

More broadly and as highlighted by postmodern thinkers, the cultural aspect impregnates the consumer society by imagery and collective symbolic coming from American studios. Besides, information technology and communication, critical to the dissemination of knowledge, are dominated by Californian products and innovations that convey thought patterns and loaded concepts with a universal ambition. Given this environment, should we limit ourselves only to keeping independent film production and distribution capacities? While inadequate quota settings and border restrictions would condemn European economies to decline and marginalize, these fields are all fields where the EU initiatives, supporting large firms, research centers and local constituencies, remain relevant. We insist that cultural diversity cannot be conceived only in the audiovisual sphere. It also has to proceed from a political, social and economic framework in which emerging and developed countries would take part, thanks to their influence, in the definition of a global knowledge.

It ultimately appears that the cultural exception to free trade is a principle as essential as insufficient to keep a cultural diversity. Cultural products originate from various cultural sectors in which operators have little control.

References

Arrighi Emmanuel, L’Échange inégal, Paris, Maspéro, 1969.
Bauer Anne, « Libre-échange : l’exception culturelle sauvegardée », Les Échos, 15 juin 2013.
Beck Ulrich, Cosmopolitan Vision, Cambridge, Polity Press, 2006.
Laroche Josepha, Bohas Alexandre, Canal+ et les majors américaines. Une vision désenchantée du cinema-monde, 2e éd., Paris, L’Harmattan, 2008.
Morgenthau Hans, Politics Among Nations. The Struggle for Power and Peace, New York, McGraw- Hill, 1948.
Robertson Roland, Globalization: Social Theory and Global Culture, London, Sage, 1992.
Smith Anthony, Nations and Nationalism in a Global Era, Cambridge, Polity Press, 1995.
Wallerstein Immanuel, Comprendre le monde. Introduction à l’analyse des systèmes-monde, Paris, La Découverte, 2006.

The Political Capacitation of Local Authorities on the World Scene International Climate Negotiations and Transformations to the Governance of Global Public Goods - N°12

Par Simon Uzenat
PhD Candidate, University Paris 1-Panthéon-Sorbonne & ClimSAT

2nd Conference Yale-UNITAR on Environmental Governance and Democracy Strengthening Institutions to Address Climate Changeand Advance a Green Economy, Yale University – New Haven, USA – 17-19 September 2010

Abstract

The stakes of the fight against global warming are closely linked to the increasing consideration given to territories and the local level, at strategic and operational as well as national and international levels. The demands of sustainable development in general, and the fight against climate change in particular, considerably reinforce this process of integration into the globalized economy. The emergence of local authorities on the international scene participates fully in the globalization process which implies an ever more intensive interaction between the local and the global. In this respect, the principal resource of these reticular actors resides in the implementation of a strategy of adaptation to the properties and constraints of globalization. In fact, this ambiguous non-state diplomacy takes a syncretic form which combines the range of actions specific to NGOs, firms and the state. Howewer, the adoption of statutes instituting a North/South balance, an agenda which is coherent with that of the UNO, bring first and foremost into play values which are coherent with their normative representation of the world but its effects remain rather modest and don’t seem likely to bring about, in the short and medium term, major restructuring in favour of the regions within the existing or future realizations of world governance.

Télécharger l’article The Political Capacitation of Local Authorities on the World Scene. International Climate Negotiations and Transformations to the Governance of Global Public Goods

PAC 90 – Volkswagen: The “Made in Germany” Label Hegemony A Globalization undermined by National Identities

By Alexandre Bohas

Translation: Anton Stzepourginski

Passage au crible n°90

Pixabay

The Western automotive industry is going through an unprecedented crisis. However, the Volkswagen Group doesn’t seem to be affected judging its growing expansion and its outstanding financial results. This Group shows how powerful German industry really is, but it also benefits from Germany’s reputation. In globalized economies, nation-centered thinking patterns remain and have to be highlighted.

Historical background
Theoretical framework
Analysis
References

Historical background

Even though it was funded in 1936, the company really took off after World War 2 thanks to its famous “Beetle” model which was the only produced vehicle for a long time. In the 1970s, the company finally decided to diversify its products with the Volkswagen Golf, Polo and Passat. Today their reputation is well established within their respective segments.

In sixty years, Volkswagen worked its way up to the third position of the largest car manufacturers – behind Toyota and General Motors – with a turnover of €192.7 billions in 2012 and a net profit of 21.7 billions. It holds a portfolio of well-known brands such as Audi, Porsche, Bugatti and Bentley which increase its annual sales to 9 million cars, with 7.4 VWs1. Volkswagen has been operating in South America and in Asia, especially in China where it holds 21%2 of the domestic market share in this sector. The company is also established in America’s automakers private garden: the United States. Volkswagen’s patterns of production have been globalized with 100 manufacturing facilities in 27 countries. Today, its main goal is to sell 10 million cars in 2018 and to become the world leader in this sector.

Theoretical framework

1. The hysteresis of nation-centered representations. Pierre Bourdieu defined the hysteresis as “the persistence […] of ‘out of phase’ case dispositions, and inappropriate practical applications because the environment they actually encounter is too different from the one to which they are objectively adjusted3. It refers to the continued existence of a matrix made of national knowledge through which feelings and assessments automatically go. Such knowledge is overwhelmed by transnational forces which undermine the classical approach of self-governing and particular Nations. Considering how frozen consciences are, companies rely on these obsolete approaches whereas they have adopted globalized models of development, production and distribution. Therefore, such “out of phase case dispositions” can lead to paradoxical situations that have to be analyzed.
2. The advent of “artistic capitalism4. Following the lead of several postmodernist authors, many writers highlighted the integration of economic and artistic interests. Indeed, today, creative and narrative dimensions are part of services and others goods that are being consumed. This phenomenon is a supply for a demand looking for an “every day’s life aestheticization5. Thus, such new dimension in today’s societies must be taken into account without a negative assessment.

Analysis

No matter how odd it is, productions processed and crafted at a global scale have national references and there are being highly promoted by multinationals through their marketing policies. For several years now, Volkswagen’s international signature has been referring directly to the prestige of German technology (die deutsche Qualität) with “Das Auto”, as a sign of German quality. Its marketing strategy is a great example of a development of sectoral references. It results from a conservative policy when it comes to designing and naming flagship models. In the meantime Volkswagen keeps distinguishing itself with pure and stylish lines, and an excellent reputation of reliability carefully preserved. As an example, there hasn’t been a lot of changes made to the lines of the legendary Golf model since the 1970s. Yet, this car integrated new technologies and it never forgets its meticulous attention to detail. As a result, the Golf model sits at the top of the range in the Volkswagen family.

At the end of the 18th century, British authorities decided to mark every goods imported from Germany with a label “Made in Germany”. They hoped that such label would encourage the population not to buy those goods and would reduce imports. They were wrong. There was no patriotic enthusiasm, and this benchmark became another reason to buy those goods. Parallel to that, the label “Made in France” is the greatest distinction for the luxury industry, the grande cuisine and the haute couture. In economic terms, such symbols mean money and profits as they play a great role in the mind of the consumer. Therefore, there are cultural competitive advantages.

Today, cultural, social and symbolic dimensions are essential to stand out from the competition in saturated markets. And, in their respective sectors, such national discourses receive worldwide recognition. Paradoxically, Volkswagen’s most famous cars have two criterions: expensive and “very German”. On the other hand, major western automakers – but also Seat and Skoda, recent acquisitions of Volkswagen – are heavily affected by the current financial crisis as they compete with a low-cost production competition coming from Emerging Countries. Indeed, they suffer from a lack of brand-identity because they can’t compete with the great Volkswagen’s marketing policies.

Finally, the persistence of nation-centered arguments, relics of time that are no more, helps explaining contemporary phenomena of anomie. Indeed, such phenomena create inappropriate behaviors for evolving economic and social realities which change lifestyles and production patterns. Therefore, they help understanding why some show reluctance for environmental solutions, why the European Commission fails to ensure that the EU interest prevails over member states interests, but also why there are identity-based tensions between communities “under the unstoppable pressure of a shrinking planet”.

Today, German goods are attractive for everyone thanks to their endurance and the development of representations and symbols resulting from deep schemes of perception, valuation and action inappropriate to the global sphere. Yet, they are proving to be fitted in a changing world.

References

Bourdieu Pierre, Le Sens pratique, Paris, Éditions de minuit, 1980, pp. 104-105.
DeJean Joan, The Essence of Style. How the French Invented High Fashion, Fine Food, Chic Cafés, Style, Sophistication and Glamour, New York, Free Press, 2006.
Duval Guillaume, Made in Germany. Le modèle allemand au-delà des mythes, Paris, Seuil, 2013.
Featherstone Mike, Consumer Culture and Postmodernism, Londres, Sage, 1991, p. 71.
Laroche Josepha, La Brutalisation du monde. Du retrait des États à la décivilisation, Montréal, Liber, 2012.
« Le Grand Bond en avant de Volkswagen et ses résultats vertigineux », Le Point.fr, 14 mars 2013.
Lipovestky Gilles, Serroy Jean, L’Esthétisation du monde. Vivre à l’âge du capitalisme artiste, Paris, Gallimard, 2013.
Normand Jean-Michel, « Les vaches sacrées se portent bien », Le Monde, 15 fév. 2013.

1Volkswagen A.G., Experience D[r]iversity, Rapport annuel 2012, available on the web site: www.volkswagenag.com, p. 105.
2Ibid., p. 125.
3Cf., Pierre Bourdieu, Le Sens pratique, Paris, Éditions de minuit, 1980, pp. 104-105.
4Cf., Gilles Lipovestky, Jean Serroy, L’Esthétisation du monde. Vivre à l’âge du capitalisme artiste, Paris, Gallimard, 2013, p. 37 sq.
5Mike Featherstone, Consumer Culture and Postmodernism, Londres, Sage, 1991, p. 71.

PAC 89 – United States’ Digital Surveillance And Clandestine Predation PRISM’s Power in Cyberspace

By Adrien Cherqui

Translation: Anton Stzepourginski

Passage au crible n°89

PrismSource: Wikimedia

The American program PRISM (Planning Tool for Resource Integration, Synchronization, and Management) which collects Internet users’ personal data has been making the news over the last few days everywhere in the world. Several major companies such as Google, Facebook, Microsoft, Yahoo, AOL or the telephone operator Verizon provide the US security agencies full access to their databases. In other words, US Intelligence gathers phone calls, emails, photos, videos and any other types of data.

Historical background
Theoretical framework
Analysis
References

Historical background

On the 12th of March 2013, the US Congress stated that General Keith Alexander – Chief of the Central Security Service, Director of the NSA (National Security Agency) and Commander of the United States Cyber Command – had been authorized to set up 13 teams of programmers and IT experts in order to protect American networks against foreign attacks. For the first time, the Obama Administration was publicly recognizing to plan and set about such a defense strategy. A few weeks later, Pentagon officials said they had discovered that Chinese hackers had entered the American systems and accessed 30 defense technologies, 40 military equipment programs – such as the Patriot missile –, the AEGIS naval antimissile command, fighter planes (F35, F/A-18) and the Black Hawk helicopter. Edward Snowden – former CIA analyst which has been living in exile in Hong-Kong since the 20th of May 2013 – told the media that the NSA had hacked several Chinese computers and Hong-Kong University’s IXP (Internet Exchange Point), a physical infrastructure that allows Internet service operators to exchange internet traffic between their respective networks. Edward Snowden also revealed the existence of PRISM since 2007 that allow collecting data from several sources, such as the Internet.

Theoretical framework

1. Configuration. According to Norbert Elias, a configuration refers to the individuals and their interdependent relationships. That notion overcomes the classic dichotomy commonly established between the individual and the society by the social sciences, and all its paradoxes. Therefore, this term refers to mutually dependent relations that are complex and dynamic.
2. Hegemony. Due to multiple arrangements with transnational companies, the United States demonstrate their digital hegemony. They have the power to impose their own rules and agreements to other actors in the global arena. They establish their supremacy over the Internet by protecting and reinforcing the monopoly and the continued dominance of major US groups in the fields of cloud services and new technologies.

Analysis

New means of communication and interaction have been exposed by the development of NTIC (New Information and Communication Technology) and the expansion of the Internet network. According to Marcel Mauss, technology – or the study of techniques – constitutes an important part of sociology. Therefore, in order to improve understanding of rapid and massive changes, technologies’ growth and impact have to be taken into consideration. Today, ideas, identities and practices are transnationalized through the existence of online meeting places, social networks (Facebook, Twitter) and Internet forums.

The notion of risk constitutes a policy challenge. Indeed, there are technique evolutions that can jeopardize social groups (Ulrich Bech). Based on this perspective, the United States legitimate their security policies in accordance with Max Weber’s concept of monopoly of the legitimate use of force. Today, individuals have the right to express themselves freely on the Internet, and this freedom has become a challenge for companies and States. Surveillance programs such as ECHELON – a global communication interception system ruled by Intelligence agencies of Canada, United States, Great Britain, Australia and New-Zealand – or PRISM are not new. Indeed, PRISM works in the same way as Bentham’s panopticon in the 18th century: it gathers personal data that pass through Internet providers’ networks. American intelligence agencies are at the core of this framework and they can gather a large number of confidential information. From times to times, private and public actors were already working together to check and collect data from Google or Yahoo members. PRISM represents a straight continuation of such partnership policy between private firms and public service. It creates mutual dependent relationships and fosters cooperation. This decompartmentalization between the private and public spheres also underlines the process of globalization and strengthens behavior traffic between heterogeneous actors. Such cooperation and interaction between national authorities and other actors not only created interdependency but also reshaped international order. That kind of partnership is not trivial because it takes part in strengthening American hegemony over the Internet. Indeed, private firms have been providing the United States with essential resources in order to establish their hegemony. Through a hegemonic coalition (Gramsci), the country now has a privileged access to the Silicon Valley and its database. That process allows national authorities to initiate a global policy of gathering personal data in a clandestine manner. Such predation has become possible because of the growing monopolistic use of dematerialized products provided by these American companies.

It reveals how weak individual and public freedoms are in a country which intends to know as much as possible on everyone. American Civil Liberties Union – one of the main associations fighting for civil liberties and against the collection of personal data – initiated legal action against PRISM. There were violent reactions which showed bonds of solidarity between organizations and individuals who where supposed to have no direct link. Therefore, a configuration of players is being set up. On the one hand, large private groups act hand in hand with the US government, and on the other hand individuals use services controlled by PRISM.

This increased surveillance of the Internet underlines a twofold phenomenon: reinforced espionage of politics units at the micro and macro levels. Whistleblower Edward Snowden said that computers and infrastructures were hacked in China (such as the IXP in Hong Kong). In the end, American supremacy over the Internet is based on the relationship between the United States and the private sector. Their hegemony reveals that national authorities established contacts with large transnational firms, and that essential resources have been granted to the United States. America now plays a major role in this field, and it is still developing.

References

Arquilla John, Ronfeldt David, « Cyberwar is Coming! », Comparative Strategy, 12 (2), 1993, p. 141-165.
Assange Julian, « L’avancée des technologies de l’information annonce la fin de la vie privée », Le Monde, 7 juin 2013, disponible à la page : http://www.lemonde.fr/idees/article/2013/06/07/le-fardeau-du-geek-blanc_3426437_3232.html
Mauss Marcel, Techniques, technologies et civilisation, Paris, PUF, 2012.
Mazzetti Mark, Sanger David E., « Security Leader Says U.S. Would Retaliate Against Cyberattacks», The New York Times, 12 mars 2013, disponible à la page: http://www.nytimes.com/2013/03/13/us/intelligence-official-warns-congress-that-cyberattacks-pose-threat-to-us.html?_r=2&
Rosenau James N., Sign J. P. (Ed.), Informations Technologies and Global Politics, The Changing Scope of Power and Governance, Albany, State University of New York Press, 2002.
Rosenau James N., Turbulence in World Politics: a Theory of Change and Continuity, Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1990.
Samaan Jean-Loup, « Mythes et réalités des cyberguerres », Politique étrangère, 4, 2008, p. 829-841.